Posted in Current Events

Deportation: Ideology’s Failed Business Model

Strip the politics and twisted morality from the equation and look at the ledger. Detain-and-deport is a bad deal, a bad business model. It is a capital-intensive, low-yield operation that consumes cash upfront and erases future revenue streams. ICE’s reports estimate 2024 detention at ~$152 per person per day, and Alternatives to Detention (ATD/ISAP) run less than $4.20/day. With an average detention time of ~47 days, costs are roughly $7,100 before airfare or litigation. The ATD analogue costs approximately $200. The ATD option is significantly more cost-effective. No operator would choose a bloated workflow over one that accomplishes the compliance goals, unless driven by ideology. [1][2][3]

What are the “savings” from deportation? They are mostly phantom fiction. Undocumented immigrants are largely ineligible for means-tested benefits (Medicare & SNAP) but do pay taxes—$96.7 billion in 2022. Every removal wave eliminates the systematic recurring cash flow to Social Security, Medicare, and state/local treasuries. That’s not ideology; it’s real revenue loss, which U.S. taxpayers must now cover. [4]

Scale it to policy. FY2024 removals: 271,484. Apply the per-diem and dwell time above, and you’re in multi-billion direct outlays—before transport—plus foregone taxes compounding each year that workers would have remained employed. The CBO is explicit and clear: higher immigration raises revenues faster than outlays and lowers deficits over the 2024–2034 period—those are good things. Shrinking the workforce via deportation pushes the other way—those are bad things. [5][6][7]

Now consider and add the 2025 capex binge. Florida’s “Alligator Alcatraz” chomped up $245M+ in contracts, faces $15–$20M in immediate shutdown costs, and could leave taxpayers with approximately $218M if closure holds. In Texas, the Fort Bliss complex is a $1.2–$1.26B build for a 5,000-bed camp. None of this produces tradable output; it locks in fixed costs for an already established inferior business model. [8][9][10][11]

Deportation supporters claim enforcement frees jobs for U.S. citizens. Reality check: key sectors (agriculture, construction, and manufacturing) depend on immigrant labor. In agriculture, roughly 42% of hired crop workers lack work authorization. Remove that labor at harvest and you don’t get higher yields; you get unpicked fields and lost revenue—exactly what state-level crackdowns have shown. Construction and parts of manufacturing tell similar stories: persistent vacancies and delayed projects don’t resolve themselves without labor—but look, ICE just booked another flight. [12]

Crucially, there’s a proven substitute. Case-management ATD programs deliver 97–99% court-appearance compliance at a fraction of detention costs. If the goal is rule-of-law compliance, ATD wins on both price and performance. Detention should be the exception for demonstrably high-risk cases. [13][14][15]

If you’re genuinely fiscally conservative, the decision tree is simple. Each detained-then-deported worker carries:

  •  a high acquisition cost (detention, transport, litigation, facilities),
  •  negative NPV from lost tax receipts, and
  •  sector-level output losses when crops aren’t picked or projects slip.

In contrast, ATD + lawful work authorization during proceedings flips the script:

  • minimal custody costs,

(2) continued tax payments, and

(3) fewer supply-side shocks.

Even hard-line models concede that mass deportation shrinks GDP by the trillions. The Penn Wharton Budget Model, a conservative economic model, concedes that mass deportation shrinks GDP by trillions—that’s a bad thing—and projects primary deficits of approximately $862–$987B over 10 years under mass deportation scenarios. That’s the destruction of U.S. shareholder value.[16][17]

If this were optimizing a business, you’d terminate detention first, scale case management ATD, and reserve deportation for the narrow slice where public safety benefits justify the expenditure. Anything else is a bad deal and taxpayer-subsidized ideology—that’s not a good thing.


Footnotes

[1] U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, “Alternatives to Detention (ATD)” — < $4.20/day ATD vs ~$152/day detention. ICE
[2] ICE, Fiscal Year 2024 Annual Report — average length of stay 46.9 days. (PDF) ICE
[3] American Immigration Council, “Alternatives to Immigration Detention: An Overview.” American Immigration Council+1
[4] Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP), “Tax Payments by Undocumented Immigrants” — $96.7B in 2022. ITEP
[5] ICE news release (Dec. 20, 2024): 271,484 removals in FY2024. ICE
[6] Congressional Budget Office, “Effects of the Immigration Surge on the Federal Budget and the Economy” — higher immigration lowers deficits via revenues > outlays. Congressional Budget Office+1
[7] ICE, “FY2024 Annual Report” companion release. ICE
[8] AP News, “Florida may lose $218M on empty ‘Alligator Alcatraz’ as judge orders shutdown.” AP News+1
[9] CBS Miami, “Florida taxpayers could be on the hook for $218 million … ‘Alligator Alcatraz.’” CBS News+1
[10] Yahoo News round-ups on court-ordered shutdown and wind-down. Yahoo+1
[11] The Texas Tribune, “Feds plan to build nation’s biggest migrant detention center at Fort Bliss” — $1.26B, 5,000 beds. The Texas Tribune
[12] U.S. Dept. of Labor, NAWS 2021–2022 (Report No. 17) — ~42% of hired crop workers lack work authorization; summary page. DOL+1
[13] Human Rights First, “Proven Alternatives to Mass Incarceration of Families” — programs with ~97% appearance; cost far below detention. (PDF/brief) Human Rights First+1
[14] Women’s Refugee Commission, Family Case Management Program — ~99% compliance with ICE and court. (Report/summary) Women’s Refugee Commission+1
[15] National Immigrant Justice Center, “The Real Alternatives to Detention.” (Policy brief) National Immigrant Justice Center
[16] American Action Forum, “The Budgetary and Economic Costs of Addressing Unauthorized Immigration” & “A Costly Immigration Policy” — $400–$600B federal cost; −$1.6T GDP. AAF+1
[17] Penn Wharton Budget Model, “Mass Deportation of Unauthorized Immigrants: Fiscal and Economic Effects” — revenues −$300.4B (2025–2034); primary deficits +$862B pre-feedback, +$987B with feedback. (Brief & PDF) Penn Wharton Budget Model+1

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Posted in Current Events

Federal Extortion Tax

First Published in the Bend Bulletin 8/29/25

The world’s expectation of the United States has shifted—and with it, the nation’s business climate. In recent months, the U.S. has altered long-standing treaty commitments, reduced foreign aid, and extended cordiality toward governments once deemed global pariahs. But what’s unfolding domestically may be worse: an extortion tax on America’s innovators and businesses.

New Gatekeepers of Innovation:  Universities—the cradle of U.S. invention—are under pressure not just to meet academic standards but to bend to the political and financial whims of federal funding agencies. The current administration recently invoked the Bayh–Dole Act to demand that Harvard disclose all patents tied to federally funded research and justify their use. Officials threaten to seize or relicense patents if unsatisfied. Harvard holds more than 5,800 such patents, making the scope of this action unprecedented in modern U.S. research policy. It also ignores the principles behind a patent, which is to protect the holder from infringement and allow unfettered use for their chosen purpose.

This follows similar disputes in which Columbia paid over $220 million and Brown about $50 million to settle federal claims tied to research funding. While the Bayh–Dole Act technically allows such interventions, the tactic has rarely been used to this degree and is viewed by critics as an intimidation lever—discouraging innovation rather than protecting the public interest. Federal funding for university research has already fallen 18% between 2011 and 2021, placing the U.S. 27th among OECD nations relative to GDP.

The result: private investors could increasingly control university-generated intellectual property, profiting when it suits them—or worse, foreign research entities could surpass U.S. capabilities entirely.

Corporate Pay-to-Play:  The private sector is not immune. Under the Hart–Scott–Rodino Act, mergers above set thresholds must pay filing fees ranging from $30,000 to over $2.3 million. These fees are predictable; the new problem is the creeping insertion of ideological conditions into merger approvals.

In one recent case, the Federal Trade Commission considered requiring merging companies to pledge not to boycott platforms based on political content. The Federal Communications Commission has also been accused of pressing telecom firms to dismantle diversity, equity, and inclusion programs in exchange for approval. Such moves transform regulatory review from market oversight into ideological enforcement.

Tribute for Trade:  Meanwhile, domestic companies face conflicting regulations, shifting markets, and tariffs imposed without transparent justification. Tariffs—already a hidden tax—are now coupled with the specter of requiring companies to share a percentage of revenues or profits to secure an export license. While no such policy is yet on the books, the idea mirrors the royalty extraction models of state-controlled economies. It would not just reduce profitability; it could drive companies to cede markets to foreign competitors.

From Rhetoric to Reality:  For an administration elected on promises of being “pro-business” and “cutting regulations,” these actions move in the opposite direction. They discourage innovation, deter mergers, burden trade, and concentrate control in the hands of government gatekeepers. This is not the free-market leadership America once championed—it is a pay-to-play extortion system closer to the state-ownership models of authoritarian regimes and organized crime—what wonderful examples to replicate for a government of the people. Just hope someone with integrity is keeping track of the extorted money.

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