Posted in Current Events

Deportation: Ideology’s Failed Business Model

Strip the politics and twisted morality from the equation and look at the ledger. Detain-and-deport is a bad deal, a bad business model. It is a capital-intensive, low-yield operation that consumes cash upfront and erases future revenue streams. ICE’s reports estimate 2024 detention at ~$152 per person per day, and Alternatives to Detention (ATD/ISAP) run less than $4.20/day. With an average detention time of ~47 days, costs are roughly $7,100 before airfare or litigation. The ATD analogue costs approximately $200. The ATD option is significantly more cost-effective. No operator would choose a bloated workflow over one that accomplishes the compliance goals, unless driven by ideology. [1][2][3]

What are the “savings” from deportation? They are mostly phantom fiction. Undocumented immigrants are largely ineligible for means-tested benefits (Medicare & SNAP) but do pay taxes—$96.7 billion in 2022. Every removal wave eliminates the systematic recurring cash flow to Social Security, Medicare, and state/local treasuries. That’s not ideology; it’s real revenue loss, which U.S. taxpayers must now cover. [4]

Scale it to policy. FY2024 removals: 271,484. Apply the per-diem and dwell time above, and you’re in multi-billion direct outlays—before transport—plus foregone taxes compounding each year that workers would have remained employed. The CBO is explicit and clear: higher immigration raises revenues faster than outlays and lowers deficits over the 2024–2034 period—those are good things. Shrinking the workforce via deportation pushes the other way—those are bad things. [5][6][7]

Now consider and add the 2025 capex binge. Florida’s “Alligator Alcatraz” chomped up $245M+ in contracts, faces $15–$20M in immediate shutdown costs, and could leave taxpayers with approximately $218M if closure holds. In Texas, the Fort Bliss complex is a $1.2–$1.26B build for a 5,000-bed camp. None of this produces tradable output; it locks in fixed costs for an already established inferior business model. [8][9][10][11]

Deportation supporters claim enforcement frees jobs for U.S. citizens. Reality check: key sectors (agriculture, construction, and manufacturing) depend on immigrant labor. In agriculture, roughly 42% of hired crop workers lack work authorization. Remove that labor at harvest and you don’t get higher yields; you get unpicked fields and lost revenue—exactly what state-level crackdowns have shown. Construction and parts of manufacturing tell similar stories: persistent vacancies and delayed projects don’t resolve themselves without labor—but look, ICE just booked another flight. [12]

Crucially, there’s a proven substitute. Case-management ATD programs deliver 97–99% court-appearance compliance at a fraction of detention costs. If the goal is rule-of-law compliance, ATD wins on both price and performance. Detention should be the exception for demonstrably high-risk cases. [13][14][15]

If you’re genuinely fiscally conservative, the decision tree is simple. Each detained-then-deported worker carries:

  •  a high acquisition cost (detention, transport, litigation, facilities),
  •  negative NPV from lost tax receipts, and
  •  sector-level output losses when crops aren’t picked or projects slip.

In contrast, ATD + lawful work authorization during proceedings flips the script:

  • minimal custody costs,

(2) continued tax payments, and

(3) fewer supply-side shocks.

Even hard-line models concede that mass deportation shrinks GDP by the trillions. The Penn Wharton Budget Model, a conservative economic model, concedes that mass deportation shrinks GDP by trillions—that’s a bad thing—and projects primary deficits of approximately $862–$987B over 10 years under mass deportation scenarios. That’s the destruction of U.S. shareholder value.[16][17]

If this were optimizing a business, you’d terminate detention first, scale case management ATD, and reserve deportation for the narrow slice where public safety benefits justify the expenditure. Anything else is a bad deal and taxpayer-subsidized ideology—that’s not a good thing.


Footnotes

[1] U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, “Alternatives to Detention (ATD)” — < $4.20/day ATD vs ~$152/day detention. ICE
[2] ICE, Fiscal Year 2024 Annual Report — average length of stay 46.9 days. (PDF) ICE
[3] American Immigration Council, “Alternatives to Immigration Detention: An Overview.” American Immigration Council+1
[4] Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP), “Tax Payments by Undocumented Immigrants” — $96.7B in 2022. ITEP
[5] ICE news release (Dec. 20, 2024): 271,484 removals in FY2024. ICE
[6] Congressional Budget Office, “Effects of the Immigration Surge on the Federal Budget and the Economy” — higher immigration lowers deficits via revenues > outlays. Congressional Budget Office+1
[7] ICE, “FY2024 Annual Report” companion release. ICE
[8] AP News, “Florida may lose $218M on empty ‘Alligator Alcatraz’ as judge orders shutdown.” AP News+1
[9] CBS Miami, “Florida taxpayers could be on the hook for $218 million … ‘Alligator Alcatraz.’” CBS News+1
[10] Yahoo News round-ups on court-ordered shutdown and wind-down. Yahoo+1
[11] The Texas Tribune, “Feds plan to build nation’s biggest migrant detention center at Fort Bliss” — $1.26B, 5,000 beds. The Texas Tribune
[12] U.S. Dept. of Labor, NAWS 2021–2022 (Report No. 17) — ~42% of hired crop workers lack work authorization; summary page. DOL+1
[13] Human Rights First, “Proven Alternatives to Mass Incarceration of Families” — programs with ~97% appearance; cost far below detention. (PDF/brief) Human Rights First+1
[14] Women’s Refugee Commission, Family Case Management Program — ~99% compliance with ICE and court. (Report/summary) Women’s Refugee Commission+1
[15] National Immigrant Justice Center, “The Real Alternatives to Detention.” (Policy brief) National Immigrant Justice Center
[16] American Action Forum, “The Budgetary and Economic Costs of Addressing Unauthorized Immigration” & “A Costly Immigration Policy” — $400–$600B federal cost; −$1.6T GDP. AAF+1
[17] Penn Wharton Budget Model, “Mass Deportation of Unauthorized Immigrants: Fiscal and Economic Effects” — revenues −$300.4B (2025–2034); primary deficits +$862B pre-feedback, +$987B with feedback. (Brief & PDF) Penn Wharton Budget Model+1

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Posted in Current Events

Faceless Justice:

When did masks shift from villains to “authorities”?

If you're doing good you shouldn't have to hide behind a mask....

When I was a kid, masks were for the bad guys. Bandits in Westerns, bank robbers with bandanas, the Klan hiding under white hoods, and the muggers in dark alleys. A mask meant you didn’t want to be recognized because you were doing something you shouldn’t be doing. Evil hid its face. Goodness walked in daylight.

But now? Somewhere along the way, the script flipped. Those we were told to trust—law enforcement, federal agents—have adopted the mask. Acting with impunity, ICE officers are staging “operations,” Homeland Security agents are sweeping into neighborhoods, even U.S. Marshals and Border Patrol units, all with faces hidden. They now resemble the masked members of Patriot Front or Blood Tribe. Once respected symbols of authority, they are now appearing faceless, anonymous, and interchangeable. Supporters argue that the masks protect officers from retaliation or online targeting, but to the rest of us, it appears to be a means to avoid scrutiny and shirk accountability.

The claim is they’re targeting “the worst of the worst.” That phrase is supposed to conjure violent criminals, cartel bosses, or human traffickers. Yet the data tells a different story: government data shows that the majority — often well over half, approaching 70%—of ICE detainees have no criminal record at all. They’re being seized at immigration hearings where they’ve come voluntarily, pursued through farm fields, even pulled from schools and churches. They are NOT gunmen. Not the “worst of the worst.” They are just the easy ones. The soft targets. The ones who won’t shoot back.

Which raises the uncomfortable questions: do the masks hide fear, or shame? Fear of retaliation if they went after actual hardened criminals? Shame at arresting the powerless in the most public and humiliating of ways? Or maybe the mask makes it easier to see human beings as quotas instead of neighbors. Is this about public safety—or about hitting administrative numbers?

It’s a bitter irony. The only true ‘good guys’ who still wear masks today are doctors and firefighters. Their anonymity is a sacrifice, not secrecy. They shield their faces not to hide, but to protect and survive, thereby shielding others. That’s the difference. One mask hides identity to avoid accountability; the other shields life in the service of it.

The lesson is as old as childhood morality tales: if you hide your face to do your work, maybe, just maybe, it’s the kind of work that shouldn’t be done in the first place.

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Posted in Current Events

The Next Workforce: Undocumented

We stand on the edge, about to return to a dark period in our history—not the chains of the plantation, but a new form of labor, forged in law and sanitized by policy. Its roots are not in the Lost Cause but in Jim Crow, born of a single parenthetical phrase. It sits there in plain sight, unhidden, and dangerous—a legal justification waiting to be revived.

13th Amendment to the United States Constitution:
“Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.”

That loophole was not an afterthought. It was demanded and defended to secure the Amendment’s ratification in 1865. Southern states then weaponized it through convict leasing and chain gangs. A practice some want to pretend didn’t happen and want to erase or bury in vague history—as if it never really happened.

The logic is chillingly simple. Every undocumented entrant violates Federal law. First entry: misdemeanor. Re-entry: felony. The 13th doesn’t distinguish — a crime is a crime. Increasingly, arrests occur without warrants, and detentions blur the line of due process, regardless of the circumstances. Traditionally, the punishment has been deportation. However, deportation leaves a labor vacuum in construction, agriculture, manufacturing, and other services. A clear economic disaster and ample justification for yet another ‘National Emergency.’ The temptation is obvious: why expel “criminals” when you can harness their labor?

Congress has never summoned the courage to erase this parenthetical. For 160 years, the loophole has endured. A handful of States have purged it from their constitutions, but the Federal version reigns supreme. If it is exploited again, it could be a mix of State and Federal sponsored incarcerated labor. We’ve lacked the fortitude to change it, and now may pay the price for our lack of conviction and foresight.

The path forward isn’t clear—it could be problematic, but it doesn’t have to be. Rather than arresting, deporting, or conscripting, let’s build America’s future upon the hopes, dreams, and passion all of us have to offer. But that isn’t history’s pattern. And history’s show never ends—it simply changes costumes.

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Posted in Political

Due Process…..

“No free man shall be seized or imprisoned, or stripped of his rights or possessions, or outlawed or exiled, or in any way destroyed, except by the lawful judgment of his equals or by the law of the land.” — Magna Carta, 1215 (Clause 39)

Our nation’s history is a testament to the struggle against arbitrary rule. The great-grandfathers of our Founding Fathers experienced the terror of being forcibly removed from their homes and imprisoned under the whims of King John. Four centuries later, England again endured authoritarian rule during the reign of Charles I, who’s infamous “Star Chamber” court was notorious for arbitrary decisions and the absence of due process. His absolutism led to civil war, the rise of Parliamentarian power, and, eventually, his execution. This historical context is crucial to understanding the risks of eroding due process.

Today, we risk repeating history. The principle of “innocent until proven guilty” is eroding, replaced by guilt by association.

Our Founders—and the generations before and after them—fought for Due Process: the simple but powerful idea that no one should be punished solely for their beliefs, associations, or background. Yes, every group has bad actors, and they must be held accountable. But not everyone in that group deserves blanket suspicion or punishment.

Many people flee violence in their countries—or even in our neighborhoods—because they were coerced into associations they didn’t choose. These individuals deserve to be judged by their actions today, not by the group they once belonged to. Not every gang member is a felon—but if we apply collective guilt to some groups, shouldn’t we apply it to others? To organizations with histories of abuse? To law enforcement agencies where some officers have abused their authority? Or what about political protests? Some individuals turned otherwise peaceful movements—like Black Lives Matter or the January 6th rally—into scenes of violence. However, the majority who showed up did so to express their beliefs, not to break the law. Likewise, social media platforms have hosted harmful or hateful content, but they’ve also become places of education, connection, and free speech. Do we judge the entire protest or platform by the actions and posting of its ‘worst’ participants?

Most of us are, or have been, part of groups where some members acted in ways we reject. We shouldn’t be punished for their choices.

This country is built on the foundation of individual rights, not collective guilt. When we lose sight of this, we don’t just lose due process—we lose the very essence of liberty. This is when we start down the path of political purges and authoritarianism, as seen in Nazi Germany, Stalinist Russia, and Maoist China. Our republic was designed to prevent exactly that, and it’s up to each of us to defend our individual rights.

If someone has committed a crime, let them be arrested, tried, and convicted—individually and fairly by a jury. But mass detentions, deportations, or punishments without due process undermine the very freedoms that protect all of us.

These rights are not just for someone else’s protection-they are for your protection too. It’s time to stand up, speak up, and defend them. Your voice matters, and your actions can make a difference in preserving the due process and individual rights that are the cornerstone of our society. Speak up—Stand up—Defend it –Or Lose it and maybe yourself.

NeverFearTheDream simplebender.com @simplebender.bsky.social Mundus sine ceasaribus