Posted in Current Events

The Next Workforce: Undocumented

We stand on the edge, about to return to a dark period in our history—not the chains of the plantation, but a new form of labor, forged in law and sanitized by policy. Its roots are not in the Lost Cause but in Jim Crow, born of a single parenthetical phrase. It sits there in plain sight, unhidden, and dangerous—a legal justification waiting to be revived.

13th Amendment to the United States Constitution:
“Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.”

That loophole was not an afterthought. It was demanded and defended to secure the Amendment’s ratification in 1865. Southern states then weaponized it through convict leasing and chain gangs. A practice some want to pretend didn’t happen and want to erase or bury in vague history—as if it never really happened.

The logic is chillingly simple. Every undocumented entrant violates Federal law. First entry: misdemeanor. Re-entry: felony. The 13th doesn’t distinguish — a crime is a crime. Increasingly, arrests occur without warrants, and detentions blur the line of due process, regardless of the circumstances. Traditionally, the punishment has been deportation. However, deportation leaves a labor vacuum in construction, agriculture, manufacturing, and other services. A clear economic disaster and ample justification for yet another ‘National Emergency.’ The temptation is obvious: why expel “criminals” when you can harness their labor?

Congress has never summoned the courage to erase this parenthetical. For 160 years, the loophole has endured. A handful of States have purged it from their constitutions, but the Federal version reigns supreme. If it is exploited again, it could be a mix of State and Federal sponsored incarcerated labor. We’ve lacked the fortitude to change it, and now may pay the price for our lack of conviction and foresight.

The path forward isn’t clear—it could be problematic, but it doesn’t have to be. Rather than arresting, deporting, or conscripting, let’s build America’s future upon the hopes, dreams, and passion all of us have to offer. But that isn’t history’s pattern. And history’s show never ends—it simply changes costumes.

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Posted in Communication

Thank you……

In the last 30 days I’m amazed by the number of people who have invested some of their precious time to read my posts. I really appreciate it….

But…Just one question……Hey Madison….

How the in the world did you find me? Please let me know I’m really curious.

Seriously….how did any of you find me?

Thank you very much…..

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Posted in NeverFeartheDream

Never Fear The Dream…

Life is fleeting, but legacy can echo for generations. Mourn death no more than the husk of a butterfly’s cocoon—its purpose served, its spirit free. Stop blaming—or blessing—your circumstances. You are where you are because of your actions and reactions. 25.08.2

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Posted in Miscellaneous Thoughts, NeverFeartheDream

Never Fear The Dream…

Boldness, even if a delusional facade, eliminates internal and external doubt and subdues awkwardness. If all you have is the facade, your life is like a pine tree with a hollow trunk, only bark and withering needles. 25.08.1

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Posted in Philosophy

Bound in Fragile Balance: Freedom and Liberty

Can you be free without liberty or have liberty without freedom?

When freedoms are being challenged, coerced, and twisted to fit ideologies—as they are now- this isn’t a rhetorical question. It is an essential one. Because freedom and liberty are not the same thing. You can be free without liberty; however, you cannot have liberty without freedom.

Freedoms are what everyone is born with. They are innate. The freedom to speak, roam, think, and express yourself. Liberty is the social contract, a framework that defines those rights and protects them from government overreach, ideology, mob rule, and individual abuse.

Freedoms can exist in isolation; liberty requires a society. You can escape to the wilderness and be as free as you like. Liberty exists to balance the tensions between individual freedoms and the responsibilities of societal citizens coexisting in a communal environment. There will always be tension between them as social norms and technologies continue to evolve. But it is our liberty that will guide us, allow us to protect it, and our freedoms. Liberty protects our rights to do what we ought to do, not the power to do what we want to do.

Liberty is guarded and protected; freedom is what you assert and claim. And yet, liberty’s role is to protect your freedoms if others impinge on yours and vice versa. Liberty is for everyone and must be protected by everyone. Because freedom can be absolute, liberty must be conditional. Without setting civil boundaries within the construct of liberty, freedom will run amok. Everyone believing and acting as if they have no responsibilities or accountability is the recipe for chaos and anarchy, making humans no better than any other social animal. Freedom untethered isn’t freedom at all.

Liberty is created when people agree to limit certain freedoms. Ironic as that may seem. Liberty is a civilized form of freedom. It is the civil contract we live by. It allows the freedoms we agree upon. Freedom of speech, but not speech that incites violence. Freedom of the press, but not a deceptive, manipulated media. Freedom to worship and assemble without fear of retribution by worshiping a minority religion or assembling to support, or protest, what may be viewed as unjust or a violation of liberty. Within the context of our liberty, we should pause before yielding to the temptation to trade freedoms for perceived security. Once lost, those freedoms are hard to regain, just as yielding civil authority to the government.

While Patrick Henry decried, “Give me Liberty or give me Death“; Thomas Paine opined, “Government, even in its best state, is but a necessary evil; in its worst state an intolerable one.” Their’s wasn’t a cry for freedom, but for a governing system that protected the agreed-upon freedoms of all. We may not like the clamorous protests demanding action, or the ideas and opinions espoused by others—just as much as they may not appreciate ours—but in our Liberty we have agreed to allow them, and that Liberty is worth defending. Without it, the saber of perceived justice can and will cut both ways, depending upon who yields it. The Liberty we should protect, our Liberty, must sheath the sword and allow the voices of freedom to be boldly, openly, and freely expressed.

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Posted in NeverFeartheDream

Never Fear the Dream

There is a difference between must do and want to do. One is an imposed arduous duty, the other a pleasant, valued opportunity. It’s your choice on perspective. Don’t climb over people on the succession ladder of life because you never know who you will meet on the way back down. 25.07.5

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Posted in Political

Deconstructing Democracy by Design

A ‘what-if’ thought experiment….or is it….

When federal agencies are defunded, are the states prepared to bear the burden? What if they falter, fail, and unravel under the weight? What if the unraveling of local governance isn’t a consequence of poor planning—but a feature of executive design?

Imagine a government waving the banner of “smaller federalism—drain the swamp,” slashing national programs in the name of efficiency and state empowerment. Medicaid becomes a block grant. Public housing and food subsidies are cut. Regulation and environmental oversight rolls back. Disaster relief is “restructured.” Methodically, the burden shifts to state and county governments, which are already stretched thin. Local taxes rise, services crumble, and local bureaucracies balloon in a vain attempt to compensate.

One town staffs its clinics. The next can’t keep its water clean. Some mandate gun control, others abortions, and others endorse sex work and gambling to increase state revenue. Air quality fluctuates by zip code. One region welcomes immigrants, the next sponsors agents for deportation. Resulting in dysfunctionality, geographical injustice, and discontinuity. The news media is mistrusted and declared ‘enemies of the State’. City, County, and State governments begin to crumble and fail under the weight of their new obligations.

Resentment festers—as inconsistency breeds inequity and confusion. Citizens demand relief, but help doesn’t come from local government, only more indecisive directives. Citizen uncertainty, polarization, and outrage against the policy void yield unrest. Not everywhere—but in enough places to make the headlines—just enough to be used as an excuse.

We’re already seeing a preview. Federal troops were deployed to California—not for disaster relief, but to enforce immigration policy, overriding the state’s will. FEMA faces cuts while climate disasters rise. Communities are left broken, ripe for corruption and manipulation.

And as the ground shifts, so do the guardrails. The Department of Justice leans in, and the Court tilts the scales. Recent rulings—many of which were urged by the Executive—have expanded presidential power by disregarding or reinterpreting laws passed by Congress and previous court decisions. Scholars once warned of an “imperial presidency.” It’s no longer theory—it’s precedent. The President need not wait for Congress. The office can act—or undo—with little more than a pen and a thin legal pretext.

And so, the same hand that dropped the burden returns—not as a partner, but as a “protector.” Protests are reframed as threats. Dissent becomes disorder. Disorder becomes insurrection.

Elections are postponed “for public safety.” Ballots are secured behind walls and counted by select administrators. Local authority is preempted. Emergency declarations morph into permanent policy.

Federal power consolidates—not with a coup, but with a shrug, and tacit approval, marked by deafening silence.

This isn’t prophecy—but it’s no longer just a thought experiment. It is no longer just possible it is verging on probable. It’s unfolding. If federal power can be withdrawn at will and restored at gunpoint—backed by a court with no limits—what does democracy even mean?

If this is the road ahead, it’s not the failure of states we should fear most. It’s the success of the plan—and our failure to notice.

Posted in Philosophy

When Hyperbole becomes Hypocrisy*

“Love thy neighbor as thyself.” That wasn’t a suggestion. It wasn’t conditional—based on citizenship, health, or ideology. It was a commandment. And it’s not a value exclusive to Christianity. In Islam, the Prophet Muhammad declared, “None of you truly believes until he loves for his brother what he loves for himself.” (Sahih Muslim 45).

Yet here we are—deporting the desperate, dismantling Medicaid, trimming food assistance—while proclaiming Judeo-Christian values and shouting “God bless America.” If “faith without works is dead” (James 2:17), then what is belief without basic compassion? Are we still our brother’s keeper—were we ever?

All major world religions share a call to love, share, and care. To walk with the downtrodden. To clothe the naked, feed the hungry, and welcome the stranger. These aren’t metaphors. “I was a stranger, and you welcomed me.” (Matthew 25:35). But today we build legal walls and bureaucratic barbed wire, often in the name of sovereignty or security. It’s hard to square that with the Quran’s instruction: “Do good to parents, relatives, orphans, the needy, the near neighbor, the distant neighbor, the companion at your side…” (Quran 4:36). Neither scripture suggests checking someone’s documentation before offering mercy. In Hinduism: “The best way to find yourself is to lose yourself in the service of others.” (Bhagavad Gita 3:19, interpreted)

And what of the sick? Medicaid—flawed, but vital—was designed to catch those who would otherwise fall. Yet many leaders now seek to shrink it, as if health were a luxury item. Would Jesus have denied healing because of a lack of insurance? Would the Prophet have charged the sick? “Whatever you did not do for the least of these, you did not do for me.” (Matthew 25:45). Moral clarity doesn’t get much plainer.

The same goes for hunger. SNAP isn’t charity—it’s survival. Reducing it isn’t fiscal responsibility—it’s spiritual failure. “He who oppresses the poor shows contempt for their Maker.” (Proverbs 14:31). And Islam reminds us: “He is not a believer whose stomach is filled while his neighbor to his side goes hungry.” (Sunan al-Kubra). If we take these words seriously, cutting food aid isn’t just bad policy—it’s hypocrisy.

Meanwhile, the rhetoric hardens. Hate has grown bold—voiced not only on fringe platforms but from seats of power. Immigrants are labeled as invaders. The LGBTQ+ community is cast as a threat. People experiencing poverty and the foreign scapegoated for systemic failure. The Bible warns: “The tongue has the power of life and death.” (Proverbs 18:21). Islam teaches: “A kind word is charity.” (Sahih Bukhari). Words are not just sounds—they are signals of the soul, or sledgehammers to the weak.

Some maintain that compassion is a private duty, not a governmental one. But when our policies punish the very people our faiths command us to protect, what exactly are we defending? Government doesn’t stand apart from morality—it reflects it. And right now, the reflection is disturbing. You cannot wave a Quran, Bible, or any other religious doctrine in one hand and slam the door on the vulnerable with the other. You cannot preach abundance and legislate scarcity and discrimination. If we are to be judged by how we treat the least among us—and all major faiths, say we are—then we are not just falling short. We are failing. We can be better.

*This was first published in the Bend Bulletin 7/25/25

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Posted in NeverFeartheDream

Never Fear the Dream…

Once you know what you’re committed to, ask yourself why. Do you do what’s right because it is right—or for praise for doing what you should have done all along? 25.07.4
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Posted in Communication

Viewpoint Discrimination: Forgetting What Makes Us Free?

Isn’t the difference of opinion the very thing that built this country?

We weren’t founded on sameness—but on dissent. The thirteen colonies didn’t rise up because they agreed with the power, but because they dared to question it. That impulse—audacious, messy, courageous—is what the First Amendment was written to protect. And yet, here we are again, toying with the dangerous idea that some speech is more tolerable than others. That some viewpoints belong, and others must be silenced and erased.

Shouldn’t that make us uncomfortable?

When tax-funded public institutions—schools, libraries, boards—begin removing books because someone doesn’t like what they say, that’s not preservation of order. That’s viewpoint discrimination. It’s not protecting children. It’s insulating and cuddling weak ideologies. And it’s a blade that ultimately cuts both ways.

You may cheer today when a book you dislike is banned. But what happens tomorrow, when the next board turns its gaze toward the ones you cherish? What makes you think your shelves won’t be next?

We have been here before. In the 1950s, it was Communists. In the 1930s, it was Jews, dissidents, and “degenerates.” Ideas were labeled threats. Libraries were sanitized. People fell silent. Is that the direction we want to revisit?

And what of free speech? Have we forgotten that the First Amendment isn’t just the right to speak, but the right to receive, to read, to explore—especially the uncomfortable truths?

A candidate who once shouted from podiums about the sanctity of the First Amendment, to get elected, now wields it like a partisan tool—defending it when it serves him, abandoning it when it doesn’t, and threatening retaliation, retribution, revoking citizenship, and deportation. Isn’t that the ultimate hypocrisy? To claim allegiance to liberty, but only on your terms, isn’t democracy; it is authoritarianism.

Let’s ask plainly: If a public school or library removes a book about a Muslim child exploring faith, or an LGBTQ teen navigating identity, or a historical critique of systemic injustice—while allowing others that affirm dominant religious or political norms—can that possibly be considered neutral? Can it promote learning diversity and inclusion, or only foster selfish isolation and the illusion of greatness?

And if the government—through policy, threat, or performance—signals what speech is safe and what is not, can we still call ourselves a free people?

Pluralism is not about liking every voice. It’s about letting them speak. It’s about understanding that in a nation where taxes are paid by atheists and Baptists, Muslims, Mormons, and immigrants, the public square must be open to all—or none.

If one religion is given space in a publicly funded institution, then all must be. If one ideology is allowed to teach, then all must have a place at the table. If one set of values is protected, then all must be. Or else what we are protecting is not freedom—but control.

So, we must ask ourselves: Do we still believe in a country where debate is encouraged, not silenced? Where a library or a school is a place of discovery, not conformity? Where the power of ideas—not the fear of them—leads us? Because if not, then we are no longer the land of the free—we are simply the land of the approved, bowing to fragile egos. We, and the world, have been there before and rejected viewpoint discrimination; we can, have, and must do better.

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